Civic Education

Invest in Democracy: Promote Civic Education

Our guest author is Stan Litow, a professor at Columbia University; author of Breaking Barriers: How P-TECH Schools Create a Pathway From High School to College to Career and The Challenge for Business and Society: From Risk to Reward; a columnist at Barron's; a Trustee at the State University of New York (SUNY); and a member of the the Shanker Institute Board.

The 2024 Election results are behind us. The implications of the vote and its ability to cloud the future are looming larger and larger, and the results and impact on Americans are increasingly looking grim or uncertain. While a majority of Americans support women's rights and access to health care both policies are increasingly at risk. While most Americans believe Climate Change is a real threat, there is a strong likelihood that environmental policy and programs are  also at risk. Most Americans also trust scientists and doctors. As a result of their trust, Americans favor vaccination which are essential to deal with health care crises like measles,  mumps, or Covid, but that too is now at risk, along with the Affordable Care Act, Medicare and Medicaid. And the same is true for gun violence. Most Americans believe that background checks are critically important but that, too, seems unlikely. 

 For those of us who care deeply about our nation’s schools, the elimination of the U.S. Department of Education’s support for students and schools, such as Title I funding and support for private school vouchers, could devastate our entire public education system and disadvantage millions of students, teachers and parents.

 While a majority of Americans voted for a presidential candidate who does not hold the same views as a majority of Americans on these issues, locally, where they had the opportunity on their ballots, Americans largely did vote to support abortion rights, to require paid sick leave, mitigating climate change, and to support our public schools.

A Legislator’s Lessons From Fifth Graders

Our guest author is Massachusetts State Senator Becca Rausch.

Earlier this year, I walked into one of the elementary schools in my district to visit with the fifth grade –- all 300 of them. (For those who might not work with young people routinely, that is a lot of fifth graders.) School visits and engaging with students is one of my favorite parts of serving in the Massachusetts Senate. Presently, I am the only mother of elementary school aged children or younger in our chamber, and I’ve worked with children for as long as I can remember, so the fact that I love and dedicate real time and energy to youth outreach is unsurprising. But this particular visit sticks with me because of the enormity of its embedded power.

When I speak with students, I always aim to enhance the existing civics education curriculum. I talk about my path to the State Senate through prior elected service in local government. I present students with an interactive “government tic-tac-toe” grid that shows the three branches of government as implemented within the three levels of government systems. Usually, students know most of the federal branches. Fewer know the state branches. Very few know the local government structures.

“e pluribus unum” Now is the Time for Educators to Build a New Foundation for Excellence in History and Civics Education

Our guest author is Danielle Allen, the James Bryant Conant University Professor at Harvard University, Director of the Democratic Knowledge Project at the Harvard Graduate School of Education and of the Allen Lab for Democracy Renovation at the Harvard Kennedy School, and a Board Member of the Shanker Institute.

Once again, on this Constitution Day, we find ourselves in a nation under stress– with a polarized electoral landscape and high levels of disconnection from our constitutional democracy among young people who see our political system as not responsive to the challenges of our times–school shootings, climate change, stalled social mobility. The classroom cannot alone change these dynamics, but it can help.

Yet teaching American history and civics is particularly challenging right now, precisely because of that polarized landscape. As educators, how do we share our nation’s story and help students develop the skills to consider other people’s perspectives so that today’s students are civically engaged and can work together to sustain our constitutional democracy in the future?

On the 61st Anniversary of the March on Washington: We Can't Go Back

Our guest author is Walter Naegle, Bayard Rustin's partner from 1977-87, co-author of "Troublemaker for Justice –- The Story of Bayard Rustin, the man behind The March on Washington”, and a historical consultant on the film "Rustin."  

Last November’s release of the Netflix docudrama  “Rustin” brought the name of life-long social justice activist Bayard Rustin into the homes of millions worldwide.  The film, released by Higher Ground Productions (founded by Barack and Michelle Obama), featured an award-winning performance by Colman Domingo, who brought to life Rustin’s brilliance, integrity, and creativity.  The plot focusses on Rustin’s organizing  the 1963 March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom, perhaps the most iconic demonstration in American history.   The March was pulled together with remarkable speed, and according to Ernest Green, a member of Rustin’s staff that summer, without cellular phones, faxes or computers.   “All of this was organized on 3 x 5 cards out of Bayard’s back pocket.”¹   Green, the first Black graduate of Little Rock’s Central High School, later worked with Rustin in the Recruitment and Training Program, a pioneering effort to increase minority membership in trade unions.   He then went on to serve as Assistant Secretary of Labor in the Carter administration.  

The March was a textbook example of coalition building, a uniting of forces with somewhat divergent interests, but with a common goal, in this case the advancement of civil rights for African Americans, particularly in the areas of labor and employment.  Originally called a March on Washington for Jobs, the “Freedom” piece was added to muster support for the flawed, but important, civil rights bill proposed by President John F. Kennedy.  It was also a nod to the courage displayed by civil rights workers who had faced a brutal backlash during that spring and summer.

New Hampshire’s Divisive Concepts Law Was Ruled Unconstitutional, Sending a Message to the Nation

Our guest author is Deb Howes, President of AFT-NH. A version of the article originally appeared in the Concord Monitor on June 14, 2024.

A funny thing happened on New Hampshire’s way to threatening to fire teachers for teaching so-called divisive concepts involving gender, race, history and identity. U.S. District Court Judge Paul Barbadoro ruled late in May that the law was so unconstitutionally vague that teachers would be “incentivized to steer well clear of anything that could be construed as violating” the law, thus inhibiting them from doing their best work—exactly the kind of work public school students deserve to help them learn and succeed—and forcing students “to bear the costs” of the law’s ambiguity.

The federal judge’s ruling sends a strong message to other states, such as Florida, Georgia, Texas, Idaho, Tennessee, Mississippi, Alabama and South Dakota, that have passed variations of diversity, equity and inclusion laws restricting instruction on aspects of American history, sexual orientation, gender identity, race or racism. 

A Nation’s ‘Teachable Moment’: What We Need to Learn from Trump’s Trials and Reactions

Educators treasure something we call “teachable moments”—those occasions when a high-profile event captures our students’ attention, interest and imagination. As experienced and accomplished classroom teachers of civics, social studies and English language arts, the three of us would look forward to such moments, as they provided unique opportunities to engage students in in-depth learning on important subjects.

The May 31 criminal conviction of former President Donald Trump, the presumptive Republican presidential candidate, is certainly a “teachable moment,” and not only for students, but for all Americans. It is the first time in our history that an individual who held the highest elected office in our republic has been found guilty of committing a felony—not once, but 34 times, and by a jury of his peers.

What should educators teach students about this trial and conviction? What should Americans conclude about these events?

Loc-ing students out: Darryl George, the CROWN Act, and the Need to Combat Racial Discrimination in the Classroom

Our guest author is Jasmine Payne-Patterson, a Senior State Policy Coordinator for the Economic Analysis and Research Network (EARN) at the Economic Policy Institute.

For some students and workers, hair is a trivial wardrobe decision, while for many Black and Brown people, their hairstyle can be a consequential element of class participation and a job offer. School dress codes and “business appropriate” dress often put high stakes and severe restrictions on how Black and Brown people can express their culture and identity through their hair.

Over the last several years, lawmakers in 24 states have sought to combat this problem by passing the “Creating a Respectful and Open World for Natural Hair” (CROWN) Act. The CROWN Act is a law that protects against discrimination based on hairstyle and texture in schools, workplaces, and beyond by extending the definition of racial expression to include wearing braids, locs, twists, and other culturally significant hair styles.

Yet the recent court case of Texas high school junior Darryl George reveals that even in states that have adopted versions of the CROWN Act, as Texas has, Black and Brown people can still face educational and career disadvantages for their hairstyles when discriminatory systems—in this case a school dress code—are validated by judicial interpretation that ignores the intent of the law.

Comprehensive Reading Curricula and Teacher Expertise: We Don’t Have to Choose

Our guest author is Kata Solow, Executive Director of the Goyen Foundation where she led its multi-year transformation process and created the Goyen Literacy Fellowship to recognize exceptional reading teachers. She is a former classroom educator, school administrator and field organizer.

Call it the Curriculum Champions vs. the Teacher Defenders.

Over the last four years, forty-six states have passed laws about reading instruction. While much of the mainstream coverage of these laws has focused on phonics, the actual legislation is much broader in scope.

As states have gotten more involved in reading instruction—even mandating certain reading curricula in some places—I’ve started to see a new battlefront open in the so-called “Reading Wars.” It's all about curriculum.

Civic Education: From the Classroom to the Polling Place

On National Voter Registration Day, our special guest author is Rhode Island Secretary of State Gregg M. Amore.

Preparing our next generation of civic leaders, engaged voters, and informed citizens starts in the classroom. In Rhode Island, young people are eligible to pre-register to vote as early as age sixteen. We know that when voters are engaged early, they’re more likely to vote consistently throughout their life. As a former educator, I feel it is essential that we lay the foundation to support students and young people, encouraging them to become civically engaged – as voters, advocates, community members, and even elected officials themselves. As we recognize National Voter Registration Month, we must think about how we set our next generation of voters up for success, including inspiring and encouraging them to register to vote.  

I was sworn in on January 3, 2023 as Rhode Island’s thirtieth Secretary of State, but my election as Secretary of State wasn’t my first step into politics. I first ran for elected office in 2012, serving the residents of my hometown of East Providence, Rhode Island as a State Representative for a decade. My role as a part-time legislator, coupled with my career as a civics and history teacher, afforded me the opportunity to advocate for my students both inside and outside of the school environment. 

Perhaps one of my proudest moments as a Representative was the passage of the Civic Literacy Act, a bill I sponsored that emphasizes “action civics,” requiring students to demonstrate proficiency in civics education through a project-based, immersive curriculum before high school graduation. Another bill I was proud to sponsor that recently became law in Rhode Island allows 17-year-olds who will turn eighteen by a general election to vote in the primary that determines the general election’s candidates. Better civic education as well as increased access to the ballot box are key to encouraging young people to become lifelong voters. 

My classroom and legislative experiences made clear to me what was needed in order to ensure that students have the tools they need to succeed as citizens and participants in civic life. There’s no doubt that the policy-making and legislative process can be intimidating, especially if you’ve never been invited to be part of the process before. As a teacher, I encouraged my students to take the concepts and lessons we learned in the classroom and apply them to the real world. In one of my last years in the House of Representatives, my East Providence High School students researched, discussed, and debated an issue of importance to them, compensation for individuals who had been wrongfully convicted, eventually helping to inform a bill that I was able to co-sponsor. That bill was signed into law by the governor – a great outcome. But another positive outcome was that my students got to see that the State House wasn’t only for legislators, and they could truly make a difference by being civically engaged. 

The Birth of Coalition Politics

Guest authors Norman and Velma Hill have been activists and leaders in the civil rights and trade union movements for six decades. Their joint memoir, “Climbing the Rough Side of the Mountain” (Regalo Press) is coming out in the fall.

“Let the nation and the world know the meaning of our numbers. We are not a pressure group, we are not an organization or a group of organizations, we are not a mob. We are the advanced guard of a massive, moral revolution for jobs and freedom.”

Most people remember the stirring speech of the day’s last speaker, but these were the opening words to the 250,000 people who attended the 1963 March on Washington. They were delivered by A. Philip Randolph, the March’s director, still considered “the Chief” of the civil rights movement even as he passed the torch of leadership that day to Martin Luther King, Jr. His was not the call of a day or of a year or even of a decade, but of a lifetime in pursuit of civil rights and economic justice.

Randolph had organized and led the first mass Black trade union in the United States (the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters), having forced the Pullman company into submission after 12 years of hard conflict. With the BSCP as a base, Randolph spearheaded the original March on Washington movement in 1941 that, by its threat of 100,000 Blacks marching on the capital, successfully pressured Frankin Delano Roosevelt to sign an executive order desegregating defense industries and federal employment just prior to US involvement in World War II. In 1948, Randolph organized protests on the Democratic and Republican Conventions and threatened to lead a mass boycott of young Black men to the draft to achieve desegregation of the US armed forces. He led the long, successful battle to rid the AFL-CIO of Jim Crow unions and to get the labor federation and its leadership firmly on the right side of civil rights.

In late 1962, seeing the desperate economic conditions and lack of progress towards equality for Blacks on the eve of the 100th anniversary of the Emancipation Proclamation, Randolph called in Bayard Rustin, his long-time collaborator. “It’s time to march again.” He tasked Rustin with preparing a plan for a new March on Washington. We are the two surviving members of Rustin’s planning group, which included the civil rights and trade union strategist, Tom Kahn.